-
Irish Fishing Industry Faces “Act of Betrayal” as EU Partners Block Critical Protections
-
Dutch Pelagic Interests Named For Exerting Influence to block Hague Preferences
The Irish fishing industry is reeling from what Minister of State Timmy Dooley has described as a fundamental “act of betrayal” by EU partners, following last week’s Agriculture and Fisheries Council meeting in Brussels. For the first time since their introduction in 1976, Ireland’s Hague preferences, a critical protection mechanism for the nation’s fishing fleet—were blocked by a group of larger member states, leaving coastal communities facing economic devastation.
Speaking to the Dáil on Wednesday, Minister Dooley acknowledged the scale of the crisis facing the sector. “Importantly, I also recognise that these same coastal communities are feeling dismay and despair at the outcome of the AGRIFISH Council negotiations in Brussels last week,” he stated, outlining the dual nature of the despair. “The first concerns the actualisation of the total allowable catch, TAC, being set at the headline ICES advice by the EU, particularly the resultant quotas for pelagic stocks, while the second concerns the fact that Ireland’s invocation of the Hague preferences, which are a key element of our relative stability, was blocked by a group of larger member states led by France and Germany, involving the Netherlands and aided by Poland.”
The Minister was unequivocal about the impact this would have on Ireland’s fishing opportunities. “It is clear that the outcomes of this year’s December AGRIFISH Council will result in severely reduced fishing opportunities for 2026,” he said. The scientific advice, he explained, reflects years of overfishing by certain third countries, with the recommended 70% reduction in the total allowable catch for mackerel compounded by a 41% reduction in blue whiting and a 22% reduction in boarfish.
The numbers paint a devastating picture. “Ireland’s fishing opportunities for 2026 amount to approximately over 120,000 tonnes with an estimated first-sale value of €205 million. This represents a decrease of one third – €100 million to €105 million – on the estimated value of the 2025 quota,” Dooley revealed. “These figures reflect quota outcomes for Ireland across the main pelagic, demersal and nephrops stocks for 2026.”
Understanding the Hague Preferences
The Hague preferences, as Minister Dooley explained, “were created to account for Ireland’s underdeveloped fleet and to counter the impact of access to Irish waters provided to vessels of other EU nations. These amounts of fish allocated to Ireland from other member states protected our fishing fleet from periods of severely depleted stocks.”
The blocking of these preferences represented a historic break with established practice. “I am extremely disappointed that these member states have chosen to block the protection of our fleet at our time of most need,” Dooley stated. “I said at the Council I felt it was comparable to an act of betrayal by colleagues of the fundamental terms and conditions of an insurance policy that is being paid for in fish by Ireland since 1983. It is particularly upsetting that the charge has been led by those who benefited most from access to Irish waters every year since 1983.”
Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn, Sinn Féin’s fisheries spokesperson, provided crucial historical context to the Hague preferences and their importance. “The Hague preferences were put in place in 1976. Their origin is Annex VII of the EEC Council Resolution, 3 November 1976,” he explained. “They were in place for Ireland and Britain as a quid pro quo for access to our waters. Our waters have given huge wealth to fishing fleets across Europe. They are some of the richest fishing waters in the world. The Hague preferences are central to that.”
Mac Lochlainn was forthright about what this blocking represents. “To suggest that the Hague preferences can just be done away with is absolutely unacceptable. The Minister of State must use every single legal instrument available to him to challenge this. The member states who united to block us invoking the Hague preferences know very well that this is not about taking fish away from them. This is about a balance for all the fish they have taken from our waters over the years.”
He was critical of Ireland’s historical approach to defending its fishing interests. “I believe that there has unfortunately been a meek response from Irish Governments. I do not include the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, in that, but before him there was a meek resistance to what was happening for too many years. They believe that can continue. The Minister of State needs to prove them wrong. He needs to prove that they cannot do this.”
The Corporate Interests Behind the Blocking
Deputy Mac Lochlainn delivered a damning exposé of what he believes are the true forces behind the blocking of Ireland’s Hague preferences: a small number of enormously powerful fishing corporations based primarily in the Netherlands.
“Let us talk about why it was that the Netherlands, France, Germany and Poland united to outrageously attack our fishing and coastal communities when they know what happened after Brexit,” Mac Lochlainn said. “They know we took the biggest hit from Brexit. Burden sharing never happened. They know that and they would do that to us.”
He then named what he called “the big five”, an extremely powerful oligopoly of fishing corporations. “The big five are referred to as an extremely powerful oligopoly. These are corporations that co-operate and work together, and that have a collective value of €2.4 billion. It is estimated that by buying up quota across the European Union they have one in six of the fish caught under their control. They are huge. I will name them. They are Parlevliet and van der Plas, Cornelis Vrolijk, Van der Zwan, Alda Seafood and the De Boer family.”
Mac Lochlainn focused particular attention on the largest of these corporations. “The big one is Parlevliet and van der Plas. Let us talk about them. When I talk about the big five there has been much reportage of this. This is not a secret. It is widely known. I have an absolutely damning report from earlier this year into the actions of these corporations. At the centre of it is Parlevliet and van der Plas. I also have a report from a couple of years ago from Follow the Money, which did an exposé on the massive control this company has, which is led by Dirk Parlevliet. This company is valued at €1.5 billion. That is probably conservative because there is a lack of accountability about quota allocation across Europe. Nobody can tell us definitively who actually has it. It is estimated at €1.5 billion. This is the biggest fish company in Europe. It has huge influence.”
The scale of these operations is staggering, according to Mac Lochlainn. “It is estimated that the big five control 230 vessels. They own the biggest super trawlers in the world. When you look up our west coast you see these super trawlers vacuuming up the fish in our waters. This has been going on for far too long.”
His conclusion was stark: “I am asking the Minister of State to take every legal action at his disposal to challenge what happened with the Hague preferences. It just cannot stand, but he must also call out the big five, particularly Parlevliet and van der Plas. There is no doubt that these five companies, but particularly P and P, as it is abbreviated, had more influence over the actions of Germany, France, Poland and their own country of the Netherlands, than Ireland did.”
Mac Lochlainn argued this represents a fundamental attack on democracy. “The lack of respect for a fellow member state that suffered so egregiously after Brexit and has struggled so much with our declining allocation of fish quota, is outrageous. However, it gets worse than just what happens within the European Union.”
He detailed how these corporations’ influence extends beyond EU waters. “These companies have huge interests in Iceland and the Faroe Islands. These companies have also benefited from the reckless over-fishing that has left the mackerel species on the precipice. They also benefit from the deal with Norway to get access to the cod because they have interests there. Everywhere you turn these corporations are winning through. This is corruption. This is a fundamental attack on our democracy and the European Union. Our Government cannot stand for it.”
Impact on Coastal Communities
Deputy Conor D. McGuinness, Chair of the Oireachtas Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs, emphasized the political and sovereignty dimensions of the crisis, particularly its impact on Gaeltacht communities.
McGuinness stated: I must speak about two issues: the quotas and their economic impact on coastal areas; and Ireland’s sovereignty, authority and power over our own seas.
He continued: Over the years, under the rules of the Common Fisheries Policy, that right has been gradually taken from us. Other countries are benefiting from Irish waters, and not all of them are EU countries. The stark truth is that our own fishermen are always left on the margins.
McGuinness highlighted the particular vulnerability of Gaeltacht areas. “Tá tionchar ar leith ag na cinntí seo ar ár gceantair Ghaeltachta. I go leor de na ceantair sin, is iad na hiascairí cnámh droma an gheilleagair áitiúla.” [These decisions have a particular impact on our Gaeltacht areas. In many of these areas, fishermen are the backbone of the local economy.]
He drew a direct connection between fishing and language preservation: “Nuair a laghdaítear cuótaí, ní chailltear ioncam amháin; cailltear daoine óga agus teaghlaigh agus laghdaítear an Ghaeilge mar theanga phobail. Is ceist teanga agus chultúir í seo chomh maith le ceist eacnamaíocha.” [When quotas are reduced, it’s not just income that is lost; young people and families are lost and the Irish language as a community language is diminished. This is a language and cultural issue as well as an economic issue.]
McGuinness delivered a scathing assessment of the negotiations outcome. “The outcome of the recent Common Fisheries Policy negotiations represents one of the most severe shocks, if not the most severe shock, the Irish fishing industry has faced in its existence. It was not a sudden collapse, it was the final shove in a long process of decline that Government parties managed, excused and normalised.”
He was clear about where responsibility lies for the crisis. “Irish fishermen are complying with the rules and suffering the consequences. Meanwhile, states including the Netherlands, Germany, France and Poland coalesce to protect their own interests and, as we just heard from Deputy Mac Lochlainn, the interests of a very small number of multinational corporations that play hard and fast with the rules, our democracies and in many cases, the rule of law.”
McGuinness emphasized the scale of the economic damage. “The scale of damage is already clear, with a projected loss of 57,000 tonnes of quota in 2026 and an economic hit of up to €200 million per year. There are various ways to quantify the monetary value of this but there are estimates that put this at a fifth of a billion. More than 2,300 jobs are on the line as we face into Christmas and that is not lost on anyone in any coastal community in Ireland.”
He painted a vivid picture of the human cost. “There are families now wondering – skippers and boat owners – how they are going to meet the December repayments on their boats. There are crews scared they will lose income but really, they do not know if they will be fishing or will have a berth on a boat come January. Processing plants are facing closure.”
McGuinness was particularly critical of the absence of high-level political support. “Through all this, and it is not a criticism that lands on the lap of the Minister of State or that of the Minister, Deputy Heydon, but the absence of leadership from the Taoiseach and Tánaiste has been glaring and staggering. In other member states, heads of Government intervened directly when national interests were threatened and that leadership was not evident here.”
His conclusion was uncompromising: “Ireland has been treated as a soft touch in this and effectively, this Government – Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Lowry Independents – have allowed it to happen. States that describe themselves as partners and say all the nice things to us about solidarity and the European Union, that we are partners and member states and need to relook at our neutrality and step together at European level, voted against us.”
A Sellout, Not a Deal
Independent Ireland TD Michael Collins offered one of the most passionate condemnations of the outcome, drawing on historical context and demanding immediate action. His intervention captured the raw anger felt across coastal communities.
“I welcome to the Gallery representatives of the fishing sector,” Collins began. “I see Patrick Murphy, whom I met on Sunday, and others there. They have always had the heart of the fisherman at the forefront of their efforts. Fishers are going through a dreadful situation. The previous speaker referred to a sellout but, in fact, we did not sell out; what we had was taken away from us. If we got something for it, that might be something, but we did not.”
Collins traced the erosion of Ireland’s fishing industry over decades. “We find ourselves in a farcical situation and it has been heading that way for a long time. It has been going that way since I came into the House ten years ago. We have been turning a blind eye to small things like fuel rebates. We were calling for action and asking the Minister to look for it in Europe. No chance of that. Why bother? We are letting on to be the weak link in Europe in relation to fishing.”
While praising the Minister of State’s efforts, Collins was scathing about the absence of support from senior government figures. “I was very pleased when the Minister of State was appointed to his role with responsibility for fisheries. I always see huge potential in regard to fishing and I always felt fishers were thrown to the dogs but I welcomed his appointment. I know he was out there fighting his case last week but the question must be asked as to where the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister were. The Minister of State cannot stand on his own in these incredibly difficult times. When the power of the mighty is hanging like a rod over his head, it is impossible to do this on his own.”
He was unequivocal: “They were missing in action. That is basically what happened. I know the Minister of State cannot agree with me, but they are the facts.”
Collins recalled his warnings during the Brexit negotiations. “I said it during Brexit when Barnier – to be honest, he does not deserve to be called by his first name – pulled a fast stroke on us. I pleaded with the Taoiseach and Tánaiste at the time to enter into negotiations on behalf of Ireland. It should have been the leadership of this country and not thrown over to a Frenchman to look after Irish fishing interests. We knew where that was going to go, as we all found out.”
He then delivered a powerful historical account of how Ireland’s fishing wealth was systematically transferred to other nations. “Like I said yesterday, even the dogs in the street know that Ireland has always been badly treated by Europe when it comes to its fishermen. Déjà vu is once again upon us, whereby the Christmas present from Europe is the betrayal of our coastal communities. I was here when Michel Barnier gave us his word that Ireland would get a fair deal from the Brexit negotiations. As we know, he was the one who threw us under the bus. I think he has done it again this time.”
Collins provided a detailed chronology of how the Common Fisheries Policy was used against Ireland. “What we seem to forget is that the Government of the day signed up to it warning that a ‘No’ deal was worse, but the problem for our coastal communities is that it could not be worse. We were an island nation rich with fish. Once fish were swimming up to the rocks all around our island, supporting the thousands of fishing families. Boats were on every island and filling coastal piers. This was the picture when we joined Europe in 1973. In 1976, our so-called friends in Europe set about drafting a plan, which is now known as the Common Fisheries Policy. They told us that we must regulate the fishing fleets of Europe to – guess what – protect these valuable fish stocks.”
He explained the cynical mechanism that stripped Ireland of its resources. “They asked each country to record the fish that every fisherman was catching, while the others were already hoovering up the fish in our waters. The result was that we the Irish, with our seas full of our fish, made it so our fishermen stayed at home. We did not need to travel very far to fill our boats, only 12 miles out from our rugged shoreline. Foreign vessels were also fishing and filling their boats and sailing home out of Irish fishing grounds with Irish fish. When the figures that were collected were analysed, Ireland had little or nothing in comparison to the visiting fleets, which had it all.”
Collins described the false promises made to Ireland. “They said we would have to be given the opportunity to build and grow. Was that not nice of them? They set quotas to protect our abundant seas and that changed to total allowable catch, limiting each fleet to their historic records. They promised us it would all ensure we would all have plenty of fish if we followed the rules. Relative stability was created. This was introduced for the benefit of coastal communities. Figures and percentages were set. They told us that when the number of fish increased, the fishermen would get to catch more.”
The Hague preferences, he explained, were meant to protect Ireland from exactly this scenario. “Ireland and England were given an assurance that if the plentiful stocks decreased due to overfishing, we would not suffer the same cuts as those visiting our waters, especially when they had the bigger share to begin with. They called this the Hague preferences. All agreed that this was necessary to ensure once again the relative stability for the island nations that gave access to the other foreign fleets into their sovereign waters.”
Then came his devastating conclusion: “The Minister of State should stop me if I am wrong. This was the reality for 49 years until last Friday. Now Belgian beam trawlers can leave their ports, enter Irish waters and take home 400 tonnes of black sole, while our fishermen get 28 tonnes. Like I said, it is déjà vu: English fishermen after Brexit got 99% of Irish sea herring and we got a miserable 1%.”
Collins posed a series of direct challenges to the Minister of State. “I have some questions for the Minister of State. Will he stand with Irish fishermen and their families that go back generations? They have lost loved ones to the sea. Will he stand with those in our coastal communities who earn their living from the fish landed by our hard-working, brave and honest fishermen? Will he challenge this wrong, once and for all, and put his own people first? Does he and this Government even want us to have a fishing fleet going forward?”
He demanded answers on the technical details. “Given that the Hague preferences were formally invoked by Ireland, lawfully blocked by a minority number of four member states, and resulted in severe quota losses for Irish fishing communities, will the Minister of State accept the political responsibility for the outcome of those negotiations and outline what he will do differently to ensure this situation is reversed? Will the Minister of State confirm that he and his officials formally invoked the Hague preferences? Could he tell us who blocked them, the minority of four member states and the cost that will fall on our country?”
Collins highlighted the absurdity of the current situation. “Is it not true that foreign countries are already benefiting to the tune of 85% of the stocks in Ireland’s waters, and will this now increase? This is what I call theft: the application of the Hague preferences was to prevent a disproportionate impact on Ireland’s pelagic and small-scale fishing fleets. Now we know the cuts are even greater, what will he do for our fishermen to stop them from losing their livelihoods and Ireland from losing its fish supply?”
He called for compensation and fundamental change. “Now that it is established without doubt that the Common Fisheries Policy has failed in its legal obligations to the people of Ireland, will the Minister of State seek compensation from Europe for our coastal communities that are most dependent on these stocks, and that have been decimated by the fleets pillaging our waters? Does he believe, as I do, that we have the right to retain a viable, sustainable fishing industry, or is it the right of mainland member states to take so much that it destroys the resource itself?”
His final demand was unequivocal. “This has to be appealed in every court in our land and in Europe. We have to stand up to them. It is up to the Minister of State. It is up to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. It is up to this Government to now stand with Irish fishermen. If it does not, and we see that happen in the next month, it will be an abject failure and the Government will be to blame.”
Sovereignty and Environmental Concerns
Deputy Jennifer Whitmore of the Social Democrats brought a different but equally critical perspective, focusing on issues of sovereignty, environmental justice, and the need for marine protection alongside fishing rights.
“Irish seas have been sold and our coastal communities are paying the price,” Whitmore began. “Our seas are among our most valuable natural resources, yet they are being exploited under a system that fails to protect coastal communities, marine biodiversity and the long-term sustainability of our fisheries. The presence of Norwegian, Icelandic and Faroe Islands vessels in Irish waters is a stark reminder of how weak our current controls are and how urgently they need reform.”
She provided stark statistics on Ireland’s losses. “Foreign fleets now catch approximately 85% of all fish landed from Irish waters. Despite controlling about 12% of EU waters, Ireland receives less than 6% of the quotas. For decades, successive Governments have treated our fishing industry as expendable. When Ireland joined the EEC in 1973, our marine resources were traded away so that other sectors could benefit. That betrayal unfortunately continues today.”
Whitmore detailed the immediate crisis. “Just this week, Irish fishers learned that they will forfeit even more of their already depleted quota, another blow to rural and coastal jobs caused by Government and, particularly, EU indifference and EU deals that serve everyone but us. At the EU Agriculture and Fisheries Council meeting last week, a deal was struck that will see Ireland lose 57,000 tonnes of quota for 2026, a loss valued at around €94 million rising to €200 million in knock-on effects, threatening approximately 2,300 coastal jobs.”
She characterized the exploitation by foreign fleets as multifaceted injustice. “These foreign fleets often target high-value species like blue whiting and mackerel, operating under quota arrangements negotiated at EU level. While these deals are presented as reciprocal, the reality is that Ireland gains little compared to what we give away. Our own fishers face strict quotas and shrinking margins while foreign super trawlers, some the size of football pitches, extract enormous volumes of fish from Irish waters. This is not just an economic injustice; this is an environmental and a social one. Industrial-scale fishing puts pressure on stocks, disrupts ecosystems and undermines the sustainability commitments we claim to uphold.”
On the Hague preferences, Whitmore acknowledged the Minister of State’s efforts while criticizing the lack of broader support. “The Hague preferences, which exist to protect our fleet when there are periods of severe quota downturn, should have been invoked for Ireland at this meeting. I acknowledge the work the Minister of State has done at Europe to try to get our neighbours to invoke them. As others have said, unfortunately he could have done with more support from more senior levels but I appreciate the work he put into it. The triggering criteria were met for the Hague preferences, yet a group of EU member states with larger fishing fleets than Ireland blocked it. This represents the first time the Hague preferences were blocked in 50 years, blocked by our neighbours.”
She framed the issue as one of fundamental sovereignty and fairness. “This is an issue of sovereignty and fairness. Coastal communities in Donegal, Galway and Cork depend on fishing for livelihoods, yet they are squeezed by policies that prioritise corporate interests and international deals over local resilience. Rural Ireland is hollowing out. Clubs cannot field teams and young people are emigrating because Government after Government has sacrificed fisheries for short-term gain.”
Whitmore outlined specific policy solutions. “Better controls do not have to equal isolationism. We need stricter monitoring of foreign vessels, real-time reporting of catches, and enforcement that ensures compliance with sustainability standards. Ireland should push for renegotiation of quota sharing arrangements so that benefits flow back to Irish communities, not just to multinational operators. Investments in our own processing capacity and small-scale fisheries would create jobs and keep value local, rather than exporting it along with the fish.”
She connected the fishing crisis to broader environmental imperatives. “At a time climate and biodiversity crises demand urgent action, continuing to allow industrial fleets unfettered access is indefensible. Ireland must stand up for its marine resources, its workers and its environment. Stronger controls are not just a policy choice; they are a matter of justice. The survival of our coastal communities relies on them. We need to see a return of the Hague preferences to Ireland and we need to see it now. We really cannot accept this from Europe and I hope the Minister of State will fight very strongly for that.”
However, Whitmore also challenged the industry narrative, bringing scientific reality into the debate. “I also want to discuss what really underpins our fisheries, though. It would be remiss not to do so. Earlier this week a TD said that one of the problems is that for the first time, Europe has actually accepted the scientific advice that was given to it, which squeezed the quotas even further. For years, Europe has not accepted the scientific advice and has given out quotas that were way larger than what populations could withstand. That is one of the reasons we are in this situation.”
She emphasized the biological reality. “There are biological limits as to what we can fish. When Europe is estimating the overall number and quota of fish, it absolutely has to be led by science in that regard. Within that framework and the umbrella of what is available, Ireland has never received its fair share of that quota. However, I absolutely accept that there needs to be a quota system that stays within the biological limits of the populations because it just makes sense. If we overfish and there are not enough mature fish in a population, there will not be enough young fish coming along. That is a key element. What we are witnessing now is the impact of overfishing by all countries.”
Whitmore raised concerns about displacement effects on inshore fisheries. “One of the impacts we are going to see from this, which the Minister of State mentioned, is the squeezing of our inshore fisheries. We have to be really conscious of that. I understand the Government is coming up with a package that will be available and very welcome for the larger fishers. It is really important that inshore fisheries and people who fish inshore are protected and that there is not a further reduction of what is available to them because they are already being squeezed. We are very aware of that.”
She called for urgent action on marine protected areas. “It is way past time that we see the marine protected area legislation. It has been promised for a long time. I know the process has been changed and it will be pulled in under the designated maritime area plan, DMAP, legislation, which I do not agree with. We really need movement on that legislation. Only through marine protected areas will we protect our fish, fish stocks and our inshore and offshore fishers. That is the only way. If we do not have fish, there will be no fishermen. That is just the reality.”
Whitmore emphasized the importance of partnership with fishing communities. “It is really important that those inshore fishers are incorporated when the legislation is being developed and that it is very much a partnership with them. Similar to when we talk about farmers, they are the ones who are the custodians of our marine resource. They are the ones who have the knowledge. When I chat to fishermen and hear their stories, they are so in tune with what happens at sea and what is happening with different stocks. They can give the reasons for the changes in the different stocks and the shifts in the dynamics. It is important that we work with them.”
She connected fishing to cultural heritage. “There is a cultural element to this. For inshore fishers and the islanders, it is a core part of who we are and who we were. As a nation, we have turned our face away from the marine far too much. We need to start appreciating and valuing our marine resources and making sure they will be available not just to this generation of fishers but also to the generation after and the generation after that. There is so much of our cultural heritage tied up in those communities. We cannot allow them to be diminished any further than they are.”
The Historical Context and Path Forward
Deputy Pat the Cope Gallagher, drawing on his extensive experience in fisheries both as a former Minister of State and as a long-serving TD for Donegal, provided crucial historical perspective and specific recommendations for action.
Gallagher clarified the evolution of the Hague preferences. “There is a misconception about the Hague preferences, which were first introduced in 1976. We remember that they had to be invoked over the years, but that was only since 1988. The Hague preferences were included in the total allowed and the quotas for Ireland until 1988. After that, they had to be invoked. I recall in 2004 and 2006 having to travel to the UK in advance of Council meetings to prevail upon Ben Bradshaw, who had the fisheries portfolio at that time and with whom I had a good relationship. Things have changed so much since then.”
He offered specific, practical measures Ireland should implement immediately. “We are having difficulties with foreign vessels coming into this country. I want to demonstrate and I want the Minister of State to demonstrate to our European colleagues that Ireland takes its fishing seriously and takes conservation seriously. The Government needs to make it clear that no common control plan will be renewed for Belgium or France in 2026.”
Gallagher continued with detailed enforcement recommendations: “They will have to weigh each and every fish on the piers and at the harbours in the same way our people have to. It is a Common Fisheries Policy. I ask the Minister of State to direct as policy that all factory vessels fishing in our waters will be subject to the same CCTV recording as Irish vessels. When our fish are weighed, they are largely weighed in 10 kg boxes or blocks. They should be weighed under the same regulations on those vessels but what are those fishers doing? They are putting in 22 or 23 boxes so, instead of landing of 100%, they are landing 110% or 120%. It is not good enough. They are circumventing EU rules.”
He outlined additional policy measures: “As a matter of policy, Ireland must stop swapping our kilowatt days to other countries, especially in the whitefish segment. This allows those countries to increase their fishing efforts in our waters. A national policy needs to be put in place that provides better monitoring and oversight of Belgian beamers fishing in the Irish sea and Dutch factory ships fishing scad, horse mackerel, off the west coast. These vessels are recording zero bycatches. That is bizarre. How can they be recording that? These are the countries that are overfishing.”
Reflecting on Ireland’s historical losses under the Common Fisheries Policy, Gallagher stated: “I will give the Minister of State the facts. As a result of the Brexit deal, we lost 26% of the value of our quotas overnight in December 2020. I made reference to Michel Barnier, who was largely responsible for that, but I do not blame him alone. I blame the Government of the day and the Ministers of that time, whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs or the Minister for the marine. They should never have allowed that to happen. They did it in the interests of mother Ireland but, for the second or perhaps umpteenth time, they threw the fishing sector under the bus.”
He drew a direct line from Ireland’s EU accession to the current crisis. “We entered the European Union in 1973. Of course, over the years, we have had major benefits as a result, culminating in the opening of a market of over 500 million people for the export of our goods and services, but who paid the price? The fishing industry paid the price then and it is now paying the price once more.”
Gallagher also called for high-level political intervention. “There is a Council meeting tomorrow. I know it is all arranged in advance but, as I have said before, even though the agenda has been set, when the Taoiseach goes to Brussels tomorrow, he should raise this issue with his counterparts from all of the European states under any other business. That would indicate the importance of the matter.”
He expressed concern about the future review of the Common Fisheries Policy. “Some will say that we will have the Presidency next year and that we will review the Common Fisheries Policy. We can talk about reviews but reviews will end up in the same percentage of the cake going to the various countries involved. The Minister of State mentioned something. I hope he will put it on the table. We should try it. However, I have seen reviews, including mid-term reviews, come and go without any iota of change being made.”
Government Response and Support Measures
In response to the crisis, Minister Dooley outlined the Government’s planned response. “An intensive schedule of work has to be undertaken over the coming weeks. I intend to work with colleagues in addressing that. The Minister, Deputy Heydon, and I have made it very clear that we intend to establish a task force, under the auspices of the food vision strategy, to advance a framework of supports for the seafood sector.”
He detailed the task force’s mandate: “A key priority for the food vision-seafood group will be to ensure that a framework of economic, environmental and social sustainability supports is available to the fisheries and seafood processing sector and its coastal communities. Obviously, we want to prioritise that work and ensure we move quickly to get that up and running.”
The Minister announced the appointment of an independent chair. “We intend to appoint Michael Berkery as the independent chair. Michael is a well-known figure in the Irish agri-sector. He has made very significant contributions to Irish agriculture and the agrifood sector, notably, as CEO of the Irish Farmers’ Association for 25 years, where he excelled in policy shaping and improving farmers’ prospects.”
Dooley emphasized Berkery’s qualifications for the role. “He was uncompromising in his pursuit of farming interests and is renowned for his exceptional political judgment and negotiating skills. These skills were harnessed through major CAP reforms and World Trade Organization negotiations, cementing his role as a pivotal figure in Irish agriculture history. Michael understands the needs of rural and coastal communities.”
The timeline for action is urgent. “The task force will have to have an intensive schedule of work in the early stages to get it up and running. I want to see an interim report delivered in the first quarter of next year. I expect the first meeting of this group to start in early January and begin its work.”
However, Deputy McGuinness and others made clear that financial support alone will not solve the fundamental problem. As McGuinness stated: “Ireland will shortly hold the Presidency of the European Union, which must be used deliberately to untangle and undo this injustice; not to manage it or kick it to touch but to reverse it. At European level, Ireland must reopen discussions with a clear demand for fair burden sharing and the restoration of protections for highly dependent member states such as Ireland.”
The debate concluded with a clear consensus across the political spectrum: the blocking of the Hague preferences represents an unprecedented crisis for Ireland’s fishing industry, one that demands not just financial support but a fundamental reassertion of Ireland’s rights and a willingness to challenge the corporate interests that appear to be driving EU fishing policy at the expense of smaller member states and their coastal communities.
